The segment of the American
population that cares deeply about the security and well-being of Israel gets
far more courting by the national candidates than our numbers alone would
imply. I can't say I mind that, because if that were not the case it is likely
that Israel would exist only in history books by now.
What I do mind is the petty
bullflop and distortions that pass through the thin, sneering lips of the GOP*
when their turn comes to make the pitch: Repubicans are the true friends of Israel, while
President Obama has thrown Israel under the bus -- and it's not even an Egged bus! They
vehemently rage that Obama did not visit Israel after his inauguration when he
went to the Middle East on his putative "apology tour" (he had visited during the 2008 campaign, sans
Jewish donor tag-alongs with billion-dollar egos to puff up, and also sans tarring Palestinian culture), and he eschewed a
meet with Bibi in New York when they were both there to address the UN. Such a scandal!
Compared to a mere missile
defense system (Iron Dome) and massive joint military exercises and record-high financial
assistance, these perceived social slights are the real story of Obama and
Israel. Obama's so-called social snubs have GOP Jews' knickers forming deep-seated
wedgies.
I don't think Romney is
going to get traction with this, because in this segment he is not dealing as
often with the low-information voters that are so prized by the
Fox/RNC/GOP/Tea-Pee propaganda pushers. My best guess is that Romney may do a
few points better than McCain for the same reasons that the race will be closer
altogether -- first of all, Sarah Palin is not running; second, many people want
to blame someone for their continuing economic
challenges.
When I imply that a
well-informed pro-Israel voter will be immune to the hyperbolic verbal sniping
at Obama, I am talking about the voter's familiarity with the kinds of historical
facts that the former ten-year director of Mossad Ephraim Halevy lays out in
his NYT op-ed that is pasted in full below.
Turns out that this
mythical meme of GOP-good-for-Israel is one more lie in a bookshelf of such lies
that we've heard for decades. For example, contrary to the myth, GOP presidents have consistently added far more
to the national debt than Dems. Business has done better under Dems than
Repubicans. Dems have been true to taking care of veterans while Repubicans
fight against spending for veterans.
However, all this only goes to demonstrate at the end of the day that Repubicans are indeed better -- i.e., at bullsh*tting the American public. So, with a tip o' the
cap to Stanley Kubrick and Peter Sellers, I declare that this country will continue to be in deep
trouble unless and until we Democrats can finally overcome... The Bullsh*t
Gap. (See George Lakoff for special tips on effective framing.)
Who threw Israel under the bus?
by Ephraim Halevy
ON Monday, in their final debate, Mitt Romney denounced
President Obama for creating “tension” and “turmoil” with Israel and chided him
for having “skipped Israel” during his travels in the Middle East. Throughout
the campaign, Mr. Romney has repeatedly accused Mr. Obama of having “thrown allies like
Israel under the bus.”
But history tells a different story.
Indeed, whenever the United States has put serious, sustained pressure on
Israel’s leaders — from the 1950s on — it has come from Republican presidents,
not Democratic ones. This was particularly true under Mr. Obama’s predecessor,
George W. Bush.
Just one week before the Iraq war began
in March 2003, Mr. Bush was still struggling to form a broad international
coalition to oust Saddam Hussein. Unlike in the 1991 Persian Gulf war, Russia, a
permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, decided to opt out,
meaning that the United Nations could not provide formal legitimacy for a war
against Mr. Hussein. Britain was almost alone in aligning itself with America,
and Prime Minister Tony Blair’s support was deemed crucial in Washington.
Just as the British Parliament was about
to approve the joint venture, a group of Mr. Blair’s Labour Party colleagues
threatened to revolt, demanding Israeli concessions to the Palestinians in
exchange for their support for the Iraq invasion. This demand could have
scuttled the war effort, and there was only one way that British support could
be maintained: Mr. Bush would have to declare that the “road map” for Middle
East peace, a proposal drafted early in his administration, was the formal
policy of the United States.
Israel’s prime minister at the time,
Ariel Sharon, had been vehemently opposed to the road map, which contained
several “red lines” that he refused to accept, including a stipulation that the future status of Jerusalem
would be determined by “a negotiated resolution” taking into account “the
political and religious concerns of both sides.” This wording implied a possible
end to Israel’s sovereignty over all of Jerusalem, which has been under Israeli
control since 1967.
On March 13, 2003, senior Israeli
officials were summarily informed that the United States would publicly adopt
the draft road map as its policy. Washington made it clear to us that on the eve
of a war, Israel was expected to refrain from criticizing the American policy
and also to ensure that its sympathizers got the message.
The United States insisted that the road
map be approved without any changes, saying Israel’s concerns would be addressed later. At a long and tense cabinet
debate I attended in May 2003, Mr. Sharon reluctantly asked his ministers to
accept Washington’s demand. Benjamin Netanyahu, then the finance minister,
disagreed, and he abstained during the vote on the cabinet resolution, which
eventually passed.
From that point on, the road map,
including the language on Jerusalem, became the policy bible for America,
Russia, the European Union and the United Nations. Not only was Israel
strong-armed by a Republican president, but it was also compelled to simply
acquiesce and swallow the bitterest of pills.
Three years later, the Bush
administration again pressured Israel into supporting a policy that ran counter
to its interests. In early 2006, the terrorist group Hamas ran candidates in the
Palestinian legislative elections. Israel had been adamant that no leader could
campaign with a gun in his belt; the Palestinian party Fatah opposed Hamas’s
participation, too. But the White House would have none of this; it pushed Fatah
to allow Hamas candidates to run, and pressured Israel into allowing voting for
Hamas — even in parts of East Jerusalem.
After Hamas won a clear majority,
Washington sought to train Fatah forces to crush it militarily in the Gaza
Strip. But Hamas pre-empted this scheme by taking control of Gaza in 2007, and
the Palestinians have been ideologically and territorially divided ever since.
Despite the Republican Party’s shrill
campaign rhetoric on Israel, no Democratic president has ever strong-armed
Israel on any key national security issue. In the 1956 Suez Crisis, it was a
Republican, Dwight D. Eisenhower, who joined the Soviet Union in forcing
Israel’s founding father, David Ben-Gurion, to withdraw from the Sinai Peninsula
after a joint Israeli-British-French attack on Egypt.
In 1991, when Iraqi Scud missiles rained
down on Tel Aviv, the administration of the first President Bush urged Israel
not to strike back so as to preserve the coalition of Arab states fighting Iraq.
Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir resisted his security chiefs’ recommendation to
retaliate and bowed to American demands as his citizens reached for their gas
masks.
After the war, Mr. Shamir agreed to go to
Madrid for a Middle East peace conference set up by Secretary of State James A.
Baker III. Fearful that Mr. Shamir would be intransigent at the negotiating
table, the White House pressured him by withholding $10 billion in loan guarantees to
Israel, causing us serious economic problems. The eventual result was Mr.
Shamir’s political downfall. The man who had saved Mr. Bush’s grand coalition
against Saddam Hussein in 1991 was “thrown under the bus.”
In all of these instances, a Republican
White House acted in a cold and determined manner, with no regard for Israel’s
national pride, strategic interests or sensitivities. That’s food for thought in
October 2012.
Efraim Halevy was the director of the Mossad from 1998 to 2002 and the
national security adviser to the Israeli prime minister, Ariel Sharon, from
October 2002 to June 2003. \
* Personal footnote on tenuously related topic of thin, sneering
lips:
This morning I was juggling my attention among my
getting-up routine, watching Morning Joe, listening to WIP sports talk radio,
and flipping on and off the TODAY Show (for my health and beauty tips). As has
been the case in the last few weeks with all the MSNBC contributors who
are ex-GOP politicians, officials and operatives (e.g., Steve Schmidt [famed as
stand-in for Woody Harrelson in the original version of HBO's Game
Change] and Michael Steele [the previous Reince Preibus -- which sounds
more like a minor intestinal conduit than a person, imho]), former R-FL Rep. Joe
Scarborough has flipped the switch from pundit/host to full-blown campaign
tool. Case in point this morning: they air a vid of Obama's Romnesia riff to a
crowd of 11,000 cheering maniacs, in which Bar reels off the policy 180's and
360's the other guy has executed in the months-weeks-days past. Cut to Joe
Scar-butt, his face looking like the breakfast sausage he'd had was not sitting
at all well with him. After dramatic face and pause, he allows as to how
"disappointed" he is that President Obama, after all the personal sacrifices
he'd made to become President Obama, was reduced to making a speech like that.
Really? Well, after a speech from a TV talk show host like
that one, I've got a nausea face for Joe Scar-schmo, and I've got
three little words in response to a GOPer whose contempt and disdain appear
outstripped only by his arrogance, stupidity and dearth of appreciation for the
power and charm of humor:
You disappoint me!