I am a long-time fan of Paul Krugman for his wisdom and his technical mastery, and for being one of the few prominent liberals in America to call himself a liberal (as in his book-length argument, The Conscience of A Liberal, Norton & Co., 2007). One of my pet projects in life is to proselytize on behalf of Krugman's better ideas...
It would be interesting, if one had the time and ready historical access, to see if there is a correlation over the years between the frequency of Paul Krugman's morality-themed columns (like his Thursday NY Times op-ed seen below) and the salience of politics in the national consciousness -- such as is highest in campaign seasons. When I say morality-themed, I mean emphasis on moral judgment as distinct from his more typical emphasis on analytics or on analysis-based advocacy for specific economic policies and strategies. As the prime example of the latter type, many Krugman columns have been variations on the theme of promoting Keynesian stimulus and admonishing against Tea-Party austerity as the antidote to recessionary economic trends.
Or it might not be so interesting, but my sense is that Paul's been coming with morality-themed columns more and more as the election approaches. And that's fine with me, because I agree with his implicit belief that this damn well should be a values-based decision, not a corporate hiring process to choose the best economic technician.
Now, I have learned that the most provocative and interesting Reader Comments under Dr. Krugman's op-eds seem to come in response to columns that emphasize values over technical analysis. So I scrolled down to peek at them under this one and as usual I was gobsmacked to see the comments from the "intellectual leaders" of the Gilded Age Society who espouse the Gospel of St. Paul (Ryan, R WI, THE "intellectual leader of the GOP"). They are now using the newest talking-points language, laced with "Makers and Takers" and "redistribution".
These Romney/Ryan fans believe in this stuff. They see eye-to-eye with big-bellied cigar-puffing club members ensconced in their leather chairs with the stock listings and a brandy.
Workers don't matter when the business of business is repackaging paper and anything you want to actually make can be made in Asian sweatshops by indentured peons.
Look at the great period of American economic-industrial growth from 1945 to the 1970's. The prosperity of the middle class is what sent this country to the head of the world class. The rich did get richer, absolutely, but workers had access to the American Dream.
Did the Makers get us to the moon? It was a public-private partnership led by government and made successful by a huge team of educated middle class men and women. You know, workers.
As the status of the worker has eroded decade after decade for the last 30+ years, the U.S. rankings on all measures of thriving have plummeted along with the status of workers. As inequality expands, the prosperity of workers shrinks and the country as a whole suffers. Everyone knows the U.S. has the highest rate of incarceration in the world, one of the worst rates of return in health outcomes for our health care dollar, and an education system that only works well for the kids whose families started them out with relative advantages. When a presidential candidate says, as Mitt Romney said at a school in West Philly in the spring, that class size has no impact on learning, that bodes badly for the kids of today's workers.
Disdain for
Workers
By PAUL KRUGMAN
By now everyone knows how Mitt
Romney, speaking to donors in Boca Raton, washed his hands of almost half the
country — the 47 percent who don’t pay income taxes — declaring, “My job is not
to worry about those people. I’ll never convince them that they should take
personal responsibility and care for their lives.” By now, also, many people
are aware that the great bulk of the 47 percent are hardly moochers; most are
working families who pay payroll taxes, and elderly or disabled Americans make
up a majority of the rest.
But here’s the question: Should we
imagine that Mr. Romney and his party would think better of the 47 percent on
learning that the great majority of them actually are or were hard workers, who
very much have taken personal responsibility for their lives? And the answer is
no.
For the fact is that the modern
Republican Party just doesn’t have much respect for people who work for other
people, no matter how faithfully and well they do their jobs. All the party’s
affection is reserved for “job creators,” a k a employers and investors.
Leading figures in the party find it hard even to pretend to have any regard
for ordinary working families — who, it goes without saying, make up the vast
majority of Americans.
Am I exaggerating? Consider the
Twitter message sent out by Eric Cantor, the Republican House majority leader,
on Labor Day — a holiday that specifically celebrates America’s workers. Here’s
what it said, in its entirety: “Today, we celebrate those who have taken a
risk, worked hard, built a business and earned their own success.” Yes, on a
day set aside to honor workers, all Mr. Cantor could bring himself to do was
praise their bosses.
Lest you think that this was just
a personal slip, consider Mr. Romney’s acceptance speech at the Republican
National Convention. What did he have to say about American workers? Actually,
nothing: the words “worker” or “workers” never passed his lips. This was in
strong contrast to President Obama’s convention speech a week later, which put
a lot of emphasis on workers — especially, of course, but not only, workers who
benefited from the auto bailout.
And when Mr. Romney waxed
rhapsodic about the opportunities America offered to immigrants, he declared
that they came in pursuit of “freedom to build a business.” What about those
who came here not to found businesses, but simply to make an honest living? Not
worth mentioning.
Needless to say, the G.O.P.’s
disdain for workers goes deeper than rhetoric. It’s deeply embedded in the
party’s policy priorities. Mr. Romney’s remarks spoke to a widespread belief on
the right that taxes on working Americans are, if anything, too low. Indeed,
The Wall Street Journal famously described low-income workers whose wages fall
below the income-tax threshold as “lucky duckies.”
What really needs cutting, the
right believes, are taxes on corporate profits, capital gains, dividends, and
very high salaries — that is, taxes that fall on investors and executives, not
ordinary workers. This despite the fact that people who derive their income
from investments, not wages — people like, say, Willard Mitt Romney — already
pay remarkably little in taxes.
Where does this disdain for
workers come from? Some of it, obviously, reflects the influence of money in
politics: big-money donors, like the ones Mr. Romney was speaking to when he
went off on half the nation, don’t live paycheck to paycheck. But it also
reflects the extent to which the G.O.P. has been taken over by an Ayn Rand-type
vision of society, in which a handful of heroic businessmen are responsible for
all economic good, while the rest of us are just along for the ride.
In the eyes of those who share
this vision, the wealthy deserve special treatment, and not just in the form of
low taxes. They must also receive respect, indeed deference, at all times.
That’s why even the slightest hint from the president that the rich might not
be all that — that, say, some bankers may have behaved badly, or that even “job
creators” depend on government-built infrastructure — elicits frantic cries
that Mr. Obama is a socialist.
Now, such sentiments aren’t new;
“Atlas Shrugged” was, after all, published in 1957. In the past, however, even
Republican politicians who privately shared the elite’s contempt for the masses
knew enough to keep it to themselves and managed to fake some appreciation for
ordinary workers. At this point, however, the party’s contempt for the working
class is apparently too complete, too pervasive to hide.
The point is that what people are
now calling the Boca Moment wasn’t some trivial gaffe. It was a window into the
true attitudes of what has become a party of the wealthy, by the wealthy, and
for the wealthy, a party that considers the rest of us unworthy of even a
pretense of respect.